"You want evidence of divided loyalties? How about the 'benign domino theory' that so many Jewish neoconservatives talked to me about - off the record, of course - in the runup to the Iraq war, the idea that Israel's security could be won by taking out Saddam, which would set off a cascade of disaster for Israel's enemies in the region? As my grandmother would say, feh! Do you actually deny that the casus belli that dare not speak its name wasn't, as I wrote in February 2003, a desire to make the world safe for Israel? Why the rush now to bomb Iran, a country that poses some threat to Israel but none - for the moment--to the United States...unless we go ahead, attack it, and the mullahs unleash Hezbollah terrorists against us? Do you really believe the mullahs would stage a nuclear attack on Israel, destroying the third most holy site in Islam and killing untold numbers of Muslims? I am not ruling out the use of force against Iran - it may come to that - but you folks seem to embrace it gleefully."
It is a shame, but not a great surprise, that Klein decided not to share the 'benign domino theory' with his readers at a time when Americans could have used the information. It smacks of the conspiracy of a secretive cabal. Of course, the benign domino theory is what I like to call the Zionist plan for the Middle East, and was in full force and effect amongst the neocon conspiracy which tricked Americans into the disastrous attack on Iraq. Iraq was just step one, and had the Old American Establishment not come to its senses and kicked most of the neocons out of the American government, we would now be witnessing their attempts at carrying out the greater plans of the cabal, all intended to lead to the building of Greater Israel. As Josh Marshall notes discussing the same spat, he described Boot's views as far back as 2003 (my emphasis in red):
"The hawks' other response is that if the effort to push these countries toward democracy goes south, we can always use our military might to secure our interests. 'We need to be more assertive,' argues Max Boot, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, 'and stop letting all these two-bit dictators and rogue regimes push us around and stop being a patsy for our so-called allies, especially in Saudi Arabia.' Hopefully, in Boot's view, laying down the law will be enough. But he envisions a worst-case scenario that would involve the United States 'occupying the Saudi's oil fields and administering them as a trust for the people of the region.'
What Boot is calling for, in other words, is the creation of a de facto American empire in the Middle East. In fact, there's a subset of neocons who believe that given our unparalleled power, empire is our destiny and we might as well embrace it. The problem with this line of thinking is, of course, that it ignores the lengthy and troubling history of imperial ambitions, particularly in the Middle East. The French and the English didn't leave voluntarily; they were driven out. And they left behind a legacy of ignorance, exploitation, and corruption that's largely responsible for the region's current dysfunctional politics."
Far from being a worst-case scenario, occupying the Saudi oil fields is the culmination of the Zionist plan for the Middle East (step 10 in my list), finally depriving the Arabs of the 'oil weapon' which constituted the main barrier to the creation of Greater Israel.
The funniest thing about all this is that the plans of the neocon cabal were never a secret, and it should have been common knowledge that the neocons never had American interests at heart. Imperial confusion - for which I blame people like Chomsky - allowed the neocons to clothe their completely Zionist goals in words which looked like plans of the American Empire. It is too bad it took an attack which will end up destroying that empire to teach Americans a lesson.